About the Book
India: Prognosis of Hindu-Muslim Exclusivism is an interpretive study of the
historical spectrum of India from 10th Century to the present
period. This period witnessed the rise and collapse of Muslim politico-military
powers in India, gradual sprouting of Hindu nationalism and, later germination
of Muslim nationalism. Hindu aspirations to assert nationalism, cultural and
religious identity, and achieve self-rule; and Muslim endeavours to assert a
separate identity as a distinct linguistic, cultural, religious and political
entity, have been projected. Initial Hindu reaction to treat the British as the
deliverer and the Muslim attitude of aversion led to disproportionate growth of
Hindu and Muslim fortunes. The book interprets how Ashraf Muslim and the British
connived to thwart Hindu nationalists and perpetuated the ‘Two Nation’ concept
on the basis of religion, which finally succeeded in dividing the people,
irreconcilably. The evolution of Muslim separatism since 1857 has been
scientifically studied sand discussed. The growth of Hindu majoritarianism and
assertion of identity has also been chronicled.
mindset of ‘living together separately ‘ persisted even after Independence. The
Indian Muslim continued to carry the burden of a minority identity crisis. The
ambience of exclusivism continued undated. Alleged minorityism practised by the
state and Muslim clamour for better share evoked sharp Hindu reaction.
Battleground India has examined all these aspects both at macro and micro
levels. The first unbiased projection of the deteriorating grass roots conflict
prognosticates bad news for national unity and integrity.
About the Author
Krishna Dhar is
a product of Calcutta University. After joining the Indian Police Service in
1964, he was seconded to the intelligence Bureau, a platform that offered him
in-depth perceptions and insight into Indian politics, insurgegency,
counter-terrorism, counterintelligence and other ground realities of the
nation. After retirement, he took to freelance journalism and authored many
literary works. Some of his bestsellers are Open Secrets: India’s Intelligence
Unveiled, Fulcrum of Evil ISI, CIS, AI Qaeda Nexus, Operation Triple X, Black
Thunder, We the people of India: A Story of Gangland Democracy, Shakti and
Train to Pakistan.
I did not
wake up in the ambience of Hindu-Muslim exclusivism in my Meghna-Brahmaputra
basin village in East Bengal. The first wave had hit us during the Direct
Action in 1946, when we got up to the reality of living together separately.
The post-partition shock waves had rocked us and the signs of fissures in the
social landscape devastated our memory of history of India. In 1950, we had to
cross over to a new India after wading through streams of blood and mounds of
dead bodies. Migrating to Calcutta was a. traumatic experience. The ambience of
exclusivism, hate and anger pervaded the air.
I am not
a historian. The mystery and history of the ambience of ‘living together
separately’ was first partly cleared up by Prof Hiren Mukherjee (former MP) who
briefly taught us history at Ripon College. His analysis started from the
visitations of several civilizations to India and the distinct differences
between earlier visitations and advancement of Islamic forces to the
subcontinent. His personal conclusion was that the meeting of the two
civilizations had not created a composite civilization. The two streams of
people developed in diverse directions.
encouragement inspired me to have a deeper look into the interpretive aspects
of the history of India, besides eulogies and condemnations recorded by several
historians. The quest continued, and I had the opportunity of reading and
interpreting the nee-history written by Pakistani historians and sociologists.
I pursued the subject for three years with a professor of Carleton University,
Ottawa, Canada, during my posting there. It took 15 long years to search the
history of the subcontinent written by several Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi
and western authors. My special study focussed on studies on communal relations
in the subcontinent. My service tenure offered opportunity of studying the
sociological, cultural, economic and communal spectrums of both the Hindu and
Muslim communities of the subcontinent.
ground research in several areas of Assam, Paschimbanga, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh,
Maharashtra, Gujarat, Kerala and other states helped me to fathom the width and
depth of the fissures in our socio-political and cultural ambience. Post 1970
developments in South Asia, Afghanistan, Iran and seeding, sprouting and
spreading of Islamic jihad had added new dimensions to the Indian spectrum.
Strident growth of Islamic militancy and ideological contamination of sections
of Muslim youths had given fillip to the seeding and growth of Hindu fundamentalism
and militancy. Newton’s Third Law of Motion had come to affect the social and
political spectrum of the society. Separatist ideology inspired certain
sections of the Muslims. Hindu response condemned alleged minoritism practised
by certain political forces. Craving for distinct Muslim identity was responded
by strident call for assertion of Hindu identity and affirmation of
communities memorized the past history and historicized the memories drawing
granite walls of division. That granite wall had made both the Hindu and Muslim
communities to ‘live together separately’ for over ten centuries, ignoring the
facts of marginal assimilation at undefined verges. The country appears to be
back to the situation of 1935-37 when communal division had resulted in
division of minds and partition of the country. Whatever measures are taken by
the governments to elevate the self-imposed backwardness of the Muslims,
generate two reactions: Hindus interpret these as minority appeasement for vote
bank considerations and Muslims feel that very little has been done. They
desire to have extra-special patronage. Vote bank uncertainties compel the
political forces either to adopt more appeasement policies or stridently oppose
any additional concession to the minorities. This vicious circle has added to
the tectonic drifting process of social, cultural and religious groups. Votes
have become more important than cohesiveness of the national fabrics.
India-Prognosis of Hindu-Muslim Exclusivism is a combination of historical
study, interpretation and evaluation of the social, cultural and traditional
spectrums of the country and dispassionate dissection of the anatomy of
communal explosions and trends of Internet warfare-what is described as iMuslim
and iHindu electronic weaponries.
emphasis has been laid on analyzing the towering personalities who fashioned
the destiny of South Asia from the day the British occupied the throne of Delhi
to the partition of the country. Such figures include Shah Waliullah, Sir Syed
Ahmed, Pre- Gandhi stalwarts such as Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal and
Lala Lajpat Rai. Obviously, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Mohammad Ali Jinnah,
Subhas Chandra Bose, Jawaharlal Nehru and Wins ton Churchill were the key
characters. A detailed analysis of these personalities has been included
without malice and favour. No effort has been made to deify or demonize any of
the towering leaders. Dispassionate history is not a bouquet of tributes; such
history is precise clinical and surgical truth often rejected by mythology and
eulogy lovers. History is a merciless scalpel. If used dispassionately, major
tectonic fissures can be avoided.
makes effort to analyze how Hindu and Muslim nationalism started growing in
parallel streams leading to mirage of belief that the Congress represented the
entire people of India and the Muslim League and Jinnah espoused causes of the
entire Muslim masses of the subcontinent. The truth was: Congress basically
represented Hindu interests. Barring a few secular Muslims, most of the Muslim
intellectuals boycotted the Congress. For a brief period, during the Khilafat
Movement, Gandhi tried in vain to unite the Hindus and Muslims. This had a devastating
impact on communal relationship.
In Battleground India, efforts have been made to
conjoin the historical events before Partition and the events after
independence of India. No composite socio-political study has been carried out
so far by juxtapositioning the past with the present panorama. The past is
important to understand the present and prognosticate the future. In this
quest, detailed studies have been made from open sources and through ground
research over a period of nine years. Both Hindu and Muslim points of view have
been presented impartially. Examination of the entire spectrum prognosticates
systemic and organic fault lines, which do not auger well for the unity and
integrity of the country. This is the final chance for introspection and
adoption of programmatic consensus actions to reunite the widening chasm.
Missing the chance may be a historical blunder.
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