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The Sacred Books of China (In 6 Volumes)

The Sacred Books of China (In 6 Volumes)
Item Code: NAC979
Author: J. Legge
Publisher: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd.
Edition: 2008
ISBN: 9788120801042
Pages: 2749
Cover: Hardcover
Other Details: 9.0 Inch X 5.5 Inch
weight of the book: 4.10 kg
Preface to the Part I

The Texts of Confucianism

Part I: The Shu King the Religious Portion of the Shih King The Hsiao King

While submitting here some prefatory observations on the version of the Shri King presented in this volume I think it well to prefix also a brief account of what are regarded as the sacred books of the religions of China. Those religions are three Confucianism, Taism and Buddhism.

I begin with a few words about the last. To translate any of its books does not belong to my province and more than a few words from me are unnecessary. It has been said that Buddhism was introduced into China in the third century B.C. but it certainly did not obtain an authoritative recognition in the empire till the third quarter of our first century. Its texts were translated into Chinese one portion after another as they were gradually obtained from India but it was not till very long after words that the Chinese possessed in their own language a complete copy of the Buddhist canon. Translations from the Sanskrit constitute the Principal part of the Buddhistic literature of china though there are also many original works in Chinese belonging to it.

II. Confucianism is the religion of China par excellence, and is named from the great sage who lived in the fifth and sixth centuries B.C. Confucius indeed did not originate the system, nor was he the first to inculcate its principles or enjoin its forms of worship. He said of himself (Analects, VII, i) that he was a transmitter and not a maker, one who believed in and loved the ancients; and hence it is said in the thirtieth chapter of the Doctrine of the Mean, ascribed to his grandson, that ‘he handed down the doctrines of Yâo and Shun, as if they had been his ancestors, and elegantly displayed the regulations of Wan and Wan, taking them as his models.’

In fulfilling what he considered to be his mission, Confucius did little towards committing to writing the views of antiquity according to his own conception of them. He discoursed about them freely with the disciples. of his school, from whom we have received a good deal of what he said; and it is possible that his accounts of the ancient views and practices took, unconsciously to himself, some colour from the peculiar character of his mind. But his favorite method was to direct the attention of his disciples to the ancient literature of the nation. He would neither affirm nor relate anything for which he could not adduce some document of acknowledged authority. He said on one occasion (Analects, III, ix) that he could describe the ceremonies of the dynasties of Hsiâ (B.C. 2205—1767) and Yin (B. C. 1766—1123), but did not do so, because the records and scholars in the two states of Káu, that had been assigned to the descendants of their sovereigns, could not sufficiently attest his words. It is an error even to suppose that he compiled the historical documents, poems, and other ancient books from various works existing in his time. Portions of the oldest works had already perished. His study of those that remained, and his exhortations to his disciples also to study them, contributed to their preservation. What he wrote or said about their meaning should be received by us with reverence; but if all the works which he handled had come down to us entire, we should have been, so far as it is possible for foreigners to be, in the same position as he was for learning the ancient religion of his country. Out text-books would be the same as his. Unfortunately most of the ancient books suffered loss and injury after Confucius had passed from the stage of life. We have reason, however, to be thankful that we possess so many and so much of them. No other literature, comparable to them for antiquity, has cçme down to us in such a state of preservation.

But the reader must bear in mind that the ancient books of China do not profess to have been inspired, or to contain what we should call a Revelation. Historians, poets, and others wrote them as they were moved in their own minds. An old poem may occasionally contain what it says was spoken by God, but we can only understand that language as calling attention emphatically to the statements to which it is prefixed. We also read of Heaven’s raising up the great ancient sovereigns and teachers, and variously assisting them to accomplish their undertakings; but all this need not be more than what a religious man of any country might affirm at the present day of direction, help, and guidance given to himself and others from above. But while the old Chinese books do not profess to contain any divine revelation, the references in them to religious views and practices are numerous and it is from these that the student has to fashion for himself an outline of the early religion of the people. I will now state what the books are.

First, and of greatest importance, there is the Book of Historical Documents, called the Shü and, since the period of the Han dynasty (began B.C. 202), the Shu King. Its documents commence with the reign of Yao in the twenty-fourth century B. C., and come down to that of king Hsiang of the Kau dynasty, B.C. 651—619. The earliest chapters were not contemporaneous with the events which they describe, but the others begin to be so in the twenty- second century B. C. The reader will find a translation of the whole of this work without abridgment.

Preface to the Part II

The Texts of Confucianism

Part II: The Yi king

I wrote out a translation of the Yi King embracing both the text and the appendixes in 1854 and 1855 and have to acknowledge that when the manuscript was competed I knew very little about the scope and method of the book. I laid the volume containing the result of my labor aside and hoped believed indeed that the light would by and by dawn and that I should one day get hold of a clue that would guide me to a knowledge of the mysterious classic.

Before that day came the translation was soaked in 1870 for more than a month in water of the Red Sea. By dint of careful manipulation it was recovered as to be still legible but it was not till 1874 that I began to be able to give to the book the prolonged attention necessary to make it reveal its secrets. Then for the first time it got hold has I believe of the clue and found that my toil of twenty years before was of no service at all.

What had tended more than anything else to hid the nature of the book from any earlier studies was the way in which with the text ordinarily and as I think correctly ascribed to king wan and his son tan there are interspersed under each hexagram the portions of the appendixes I, II and IV relating to it. The student at first thinks this an advantage. Confucius and combine with the text of form one harmonious work and he is glad to have the sentiments of the three sages brought together. But I now perceived that the composition of the text and of the appendixes allowing the Confucian authorship of the latter was separated by about 700 years and that their subject matter was often incongruous. My first step towards a right understanding of the Yi was to study the text by itself and as complete in itself. It was easy to do this because the imperial edition of 1715,with all its critical apparatus, keeps the Text and the Appendixes separate. The wisdom of the course thus adopted became more apparent by the formation of eight different concordances, one for the Text, and one for each of the Appendixes. They showed that many characters in the Appendixes, and those especially which most readily occur to sinologists as characteristic of the vi, are not to be found in the Text at all. A fuller acquaintance, moreover, with the tone and style of the Appendixes satisfied me that while we had sufficient evidence that the greater part of them was not from Confucius, we had no evidence that any part was his, unless it might be the paragraphs introduced by the compiler or compilers as sayings of ‘the Master.’

Studying the Text in the manner thus described, I soon arrived at the view of the meaning and object of the Vi, which I have described in the second chapter of the Introduction; and I was delighted to find that there was a substantial agreement between my interpretations of the hexagrams and their several lines and those given by the most noted commentators from the Han dynasty down to the present. They have not formulated the scheme so concisely as I have done, and they were fettered by their belief in the Confucian authorship of the Appendixes; but they held the same general opinion, and were similarly controlled by it in construing the Text. Any sinologist ‘yuo will examine the yu Kih Zàh Kiang Vi King prepared by one of the departments of the han Lin college, and published in 1682, and which I have called the ‘Daily Lessons,’ or ‘Lectures,’ will see the agreement between my views and those underlying its paraphrase.

After the clue to the meaning of the Vi was discovered, there remained the difficulty of translating. The peculiarity of its style makes it the most difficult of all the Confucian classics to present in an intelligible version. I suppose that there are sinologists who will continue, for a time at least, to maintain that it was intended by its author or authors whoever they were merely as a book of divination and of course and oracles of divination were designedly wrapped up in mysterious phraseology. But notwithstanding the account of the origin of the book and its composition by king wan and his son which I have seen reason to adopt they its authors had to write after the manner of diviners. There is hardly another work in the ancient literature of China that presents the same difficulties to the translator.

Preface to the Part III

Part IV: The Li Ki , I-X

I may be permitted to express my satisfaction that with the two volume of the Li Ki now published I have done so far as translation is concerned all and more that all which I undertook to do on the Chinese classics more than twenty five years ago. When the first volume was published in 1861 my friend the late Stanislas Julien wrote to me asking if I had duly considered the voluminousness of the Li Ki and expressing his doubts whether I should be able to complete my undertaking. Having begun the task however I have pursued it to the end working on with some unavoidable interruptions and amidest not a few other engagements.

The presents is the first translation that has been published in any European language of the whole of the Li ki. In 1853 the late J.M. Callery published at the Imprimerie Royale Turin, what he called Li Kio u memorial des rites traduit pour la premiere fous du chiois et accompagne de notes de commentaries et du texte original but in fact the text which P. Callery adopted was only an expurgated edition published by Fan bze-tang a scholar of the yuan dynasty as commented on and annotated by Kau Kih who well known work appeared in 1711 the 50th year of the Khang-shi reign or period Callery has himself called attention to this in his introduction and it is to be regretted that he did not indicate it in the title page of his book. Fan’s text omits entirely the 5th 12th 13th, 19th, 28th, 31th, 32nd ,33rd, 34th, 35th 37th and 39th books in my translation while of most of the others a good third has been expurgated. I do not think that callery’s version contains above one half of the Li Ki as it is found in the great editions of the thang and present dynasties. The latter of these was commanded in an imperial rescript in 1748 the 13th year of the Khien lung period. The committed charged with its execution consisted of 85 dignitaries and scholars who used the previous labors of 244 authors besides adding on may of the most difficult passages their own remarks and decisions which are generally very valuable.

My own version is based on a study of these two imperial collections and on an extensive compilation made specially for my use by my Chinese friend and former helper the graduate wang Thao gathered mostly from more recent writers of the 250 years. The Khien lung editors make frequent reference to the work of khan hao which appeared in 1322 under the modest title of A collection of remarks on the Li Ki this acquired so great a celebrity under the Ming dynasty that as callery tells us an edict was issued in 1403 appointing it the standard for the interpretation of the classic at the public examinations and this pre-eminence was accorded to it on to the Khien lung period. The whole of the Li ki is given and expounded by Khan excepting the 28th and 39th books I may say that I have read over and over and with much benefit every sentence in his comments.

Preface to the Part V

The Tao Teh King the writing of Kwang-3ze
Books I-XVII

In the preface to the third volume of these sacred books of the east (1879) I stated that I proposed giving in due course in order to exhibit the system of Taoism translationa of the Tao Teh King by Lao-3ze the writings of kwang 3ze (between the middle of the fourth and third centuries B.C) and the treatise of actions and their retributions and perhaps also of one or more of the other characteristic productions of the system.

The two volume now submitted to the reader are a fulfillment of the promise made so long ago. They contain version of the three works which were specified and in addition ‘A’ appendixes four other shorter treatise of Taoism analyses of several of the books of kwang 3ze by lin his kung a list of the stories which form so important part of those books two essays by two of the greatest scholars of China written the one in A.D. 586 and illustrating the Taoistic beliefs of that age and the other in A.D. 1678 and dealing with the four books of Kwang-3ze whose genuineness is frequently called in question. The concluding index is confined very much to proper names. For subjects the reader is referred to the tables of contents the introduction to the books of kwang-3ze and the introductory notes to the various appendixes.

the treatise of actions and their retributions exhibits to us the Taoism of the eleventh century in its moral or ethical aspects in the two earlier works we see it rather as a philosophical speculation than as a religion in the ordinary sense of that term. It was not till after the introduction of Buddhism into China in our first century that Taoism began to organize itself as a religion having the monasteries and mummeries its images and rituals. While it did so it maintained the superstitions peculiar to itself some like the cultivation of the Tao as a rule of life favorable to longevity come down from the earliest times and other which grew up during the decay of the Kau dynasty and subsequently blossomed now in mystical speculation now in the pursuits of alchemy now in the search for the pills of immortality and the Elixir vitae now in Astrological fancies now in visions of spirits and magical arts to control them and finally in the terrors of its purgatory and everlasting hell. Its phases have been continually changing and at present it attracts our notice more a degraded adjunct of Buddhism than as a development of the speculations of Lao-3ze and Kwang 3ze. Up to its contact system which while admitting the existence and rule of the system which while admitting the existence and rule of the supreme being bases its teaching on the study of man’s nature and the enforcement of the deities bin ding on all men from the moral and social principles of their constitution.

Contents to the First Volume

Preface xiii
The Shu
IThe Nature And History of the Shu1
Meaning of the name Shu King. The Shu existed as a collection of documents before Confucius. Number of Documents in it in his time. The preface ascribed to him. The sources of the Shu Destruction of the classical literature by the emperor of khin. Recovery of the shu
IIThe Credibility of the Records in the Shu12
Are the records reliable or Not? The books of Kau of Shang of Hsia. The Books of Thang and Yu are professedly later compilations legendary based on ancient documents the tribute of Yu Yao, shun and yu are all historical personages.
IIIOn The Chronology of China and the principal eras in the shu20
No detailed chronological system can be made out from the shu attempts at systematic chronology began in the han period. Ancient method of determining the length of Chinese history. The period of the kau dynasty of the shang of the hsia of yao and shun.
A. Chart by the Rev. Prof. Pritchard representing the principal zodiacal stars above the horizon of any place in central China about the year B.C. 2300 with note and table of the apparent positions of the principal stars in B.C. 2300 , B.C. 1500 A.D. , A.D. 1000 and A.D. 187827-30
Part I; The Books of the thang
The Canon of Yao31
Part II: The Books of Yu
1The Canon of Shun37
2The Counsels of the great Yu46
3The Counsels of Kao-yao53
4The Yi and Ki56
Part III: The Books of Hsia
1The Tribute of yu Section i……64
The Tribute of Yu Section ii…..72
2The Speech at Kan76
3The Songs of the five sons78
4The punitive Expedition of Yin81
Part IV: The Books of Shang
1The Speech of Thang84
2The Announcement of Kung-hui86
3The Announcement of Thang89
4The Instructions of I 92
5The Thai Kia Section i…95
The Thai Kia Section ii…97
The Thai Kia Section iii…99
6The Common Possession of Pure Virtue100
7The Pan Kang Section i…104
The Pan Kang Section ii…108
The Pan Kang Section iii…111
8The Charge to Yuh Section i…113
The Charge to Yuh Section ii…115
The Charge to Yuh Section iii…116
9The Day of the supplementary Sacrifice to Kao Sung 118
10The Chief of the west’s conquest of Li120
11The Count of wei121
Part V: The Books of Kau
1The Great Declaration Section i…125
The Great Declaration Section ii…127
The Great Declaration Section iii…129
2The Speech at Mu131
3The Successful completion of the war133
4The Great Plan137
5The Hounds of Lu149
6The Metal bound coffer151
7The Great Announcement 156
8The Charge to the Count of Wei 161
9The Announcement to the King of Khang164
10The Announcement about Drunkenness 171
11The Timber of the Rottlera179
12The Announcement of the Duke of Shao 181
13The Announcement concerning Lo188
14The Numerous Officers196
15Against Luxurious Ease200
16The Prince Shih205
17The Charge to Kung of Shai211
18The Numerous Regions213
19The Establishment of Government 219
20The Officers of Kau226
21The Kun Khan231
22The Testamentary charge234
23The Announcement of King Khang243
24The Charge to the Duke of Pi245
25The Kun-ya 250
26The Charge of Khung252
27The Marquis of Lu on Punishments 254
28The Charge to the Marquis wan265
29The Speech at Pi267
30The Speech of the Marquis of Khan270
The Shih
IThe Name and Contents of the Shih275
The Meaning of the character Shih. The contents only the pieces of the fourth part have professedly a religious character. Classification of the pieces from their form and style
IIThe Shih Before Confucius and what if any were his labors upon it280
Statement of Sze-ma khen in the records of the sui dynasty of ku his. View of the author groundlessness of khen’s statement. What Confucius did for the shih
IIIThe Shih From the time of Confucius till the general acknowledgement of the present text285
From Confucius to the rise of the khin dynasty. The Shih was all recovered after the fires of khin. There different texts of lu of khi of han ying. The text of mao.
IVThe Formation of the Collection of the Shih: How it came to be so small and incomplete the interpretation and authors of the pieces one point of time certainly indicated in it: and the Confucian preface290
The theory of the Chinese scholars about a collection of poems for governmental purposes. The music master of the king got the odes of each state from its music master and the collected poems were disseminated throughout the states how the shih is so small and incomplete. The authors of the pieces. The year B.C. 776 clearly indicated. The preface to the shih
Odes of the Temple and the Altar
1The Sacrificial odes of shang 303
2The Sacrificial odes of Kau decade i313
The Sacrificial odes of kau decade ii320
The Sacrificial odes of kau decade iii328
3The Praise Odes of lu336
The Minor Odes of the kingdom
Decade i, Odes 5,6,9347
Decade iv, Odes 5,6,7,8,9,10349
Decade v, Odes 1,2,3,4,6,9358
Decade vi, Odes 3,5,6,7,8364
Decade vii, Odes 1,6373
Decade viii, Odes 5376
The Major Odes of the Kingdom
Decade i, Odes 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,9,10377
Decade ii, Odes 1,2,3,4,5,8,9,10396
Decade iii, Odes 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,10,11410
Lessons from the States
Book 2, Odes 2,4430
Book 3, Odes 4,15433
Book 4, Odes 1,3,6434
Book 5, Odes 4437
Book 6, Odes 1,9438
Book 10, Odes 8,11440
Book 11, Odes 6442
Book 15 Odes 1444
The Hsiao
1The Name of the classic its existence before the han dynasty its contents and by whom it was written449
Meaning of the character Hsiao. Was the treatise called the Hsiao king by Confucius it existed before the han dynasty during the time of the kau. It came probably from the school of bangze
IIThe Recovery of the Hsiao under the Han dynasty and its preservation down to the publication of the commentary of the thang empeor hsuan sung452
Recovery of the Hsiao the shorter or modern text. The old or longer text. Was another copy in the old text discovered can we fully rely on the copies catalogued by liu Hin? From Khung An-kwo tot eh emperor Hsuan sung the emperor’s work hsing ping’s work
IIICriticism of the Hsiao since the thang dynasty458
Works on the old text by sze-ma kwang and fan su-yu skeptical criticism viewsof kus his and wu khang conclusion regarding the genuineness and integrity of the Hsiao note on the translation
1. The Scope and meaning of the treatise 465
2. Filial piety in the son of heaven467
3. Filial Piety in the Princes of States468
4. Filial Piety in High Ministers and great Officers469
5. Filial Piety in Inferior Officers470
6. Filial Piety in the Common People471
7. Filial Piety in Relation to the Three Powers472
8. Filial Piety in Government 474
9. The Government of the Sages476
10. An orderly description of the acts of Filial piety 480
11. Filial piety in relation to the five Punishments481
12. Amplification of the all embracing rule of conduct in chapter I481
13. Amplification of the perfect virtue in chapter I482
14. Amplification of Making our name famous in Chapter I 483
15. Filial Piety in relation to reproof and remonstrance 483
16. the Influence of Filial Piety and the response to it 484
17. The Service of the Ruler486
18. Filial piety in Mourning for parents487
Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the translations of the sacred books of the east 489
Contents to the Second Volume

Contents to the Third Volume

Preface xiii
IThe Yi King from the twelfth Century B.C. to The Commencement of the Christian Era
There was a Yi in the time of Confucius. The Yi is now made up of the text which Confucius saw and the appendixes ascribed to him. The Yi escaped the fires of thin. The Yi before Confucius and when it was made mentioned in the official book of Kau in the 30 khwan testimony of the appendixes. Not the most ancient of the Chinese books. The text much older than the appendixes. Labors of native scholars on the yi imperfectly described. Erroneous account of the labor of sinologists.
IIThe Subject Matter of the Text the lineal figures and the explanation of them 9
The Yi consist of essays based on lineal figures. Origin of the lineal figures. Who first multiplied them to sixty four. Why they were not continued after sixty four. The form of the river map. State of the country in the time of king wan. Character of the last king of shang. The lords of kau and especially king wan. In prison occupied with the lineal figures. The seventh hexagram.
IIIThe Appendixes 26
Subjects of the chapter. Number and nature of the appendixes. Their authorship no superscription of Confucius on any of them. The third and fourth evidently not from him. Bearing of this conclusion on the others. The first appendix fuhsi trigrams. King wan’s the name kwei shan the second appendix. The great symbolism. The third appendix harmony between the lines of the figures ever changing and the change in external phenomena. Divination ancient and its object formation of the lineal figures by the divining stalks. The names yin and yang. The name kweshan shan alone. The fourth appendix the fifth first paragraph mythology of the Yi operation of god in nature throughout the year. Concluding paragraphs the sixth appendix the seventh
The Text
IKhen 57
IIKhwan 59
IIIKin 62
VISung 69
VIISze 71
IXHsia Khu76
XLi 78
XIThai 81
XIIIThung Zan86
XIVTa Yu 88
XVKhien 89
XVIISui 93
XIXLin 97
XXKwan 99
XXIShih Ho101
XXIIPi 103
XXVWu wang109
XXVITa Khu 112
XXXLi 120
Section II
XXXIHsien 123
XXXIIHang 125
XXXIVTa Kwang129
XXXVBin 131
XXXVIMing I134
XXXVIIKia Zan 136
XLKien 144
XLISun 146
XLIIIKwati 151
XLIVKau 154
XLVIShang 159
XLIXKo 167
L.ting 169
LI.Kan 172
LII.Kan 175
LIVKwei Mei 180
LVFang 183
LVIISun 189
LVIIITui 192
LXKieh 197
LXIKung Fu 199
LXIIHsiao Kwo 201
LXIIIKi Bi 204
LXIVWei Bi207
The Appendixes
ITreatise on the Thwan that is on king wan’s explanations of the entire hexagrams.213-266
IITreatise on the Symbolism of the Hexagrams and of the duke of Kau’s explanations of the several Lines 267-347
IIIThe Great Appendix348-379
IVSupplementary to the Thwan and Yao on the first and second Hexagrams and showing how they may be interpreted of man’s nature and doings 408-418
VTreatise of Remarks on the Trigrams422
VIThe Orderly Sequence of the Hexagrams 433-435
VIITreatise on the Hexagrams taken promiscuously according to the opposition or diversity of their meaning441
Transliteration of oriental alphabets adopted for the translations of the sacred books of the east 445
Preface xiii
IThree Different Li King or ritual books acknowledge in China. The recovery of the first two and formation of the third under the han dynasty 1
How Confucius spoke of the Li. How Mencius spoke of them. Now there are three Li king or three rituals. State of the Li books at the rise of the han dynasty. Work of the emperors of Han in recovering the ancient books. i) Recovery of the Li, ii) King Hsien of Ho Kien and his recovery of the Kau Li, iii) formation of the Li Ki Council of B.C. 51 the aku Li in B.C. 26 Hau shang and the two tais ma yung and kang hsuan. Bhai yung and his manuscript li of the greater tai
IISignificance of the Chinese character called Li. Meaning of the title Li Ki. Value of the work 9
Li is a symbol of religious import and a symbol for the feeling of propriety translation of the title the value of the Li Ki the li ki as one of the five king
IIIBrief notices of the different books which make up the collection 15-59
Section I
IKhu Li or summary of the rules of propriety 61-114
IIThe Than Kung120-202
IIIThe Royal Regulations 209-240
IVYueh Ling or proceedings of government in the different months249-306
VThe Questions of Bang gze 311-328
VIWan Wang Shih sze or king wan as son and hier 343-353
VIIthe li or ceremonial usages their origin development and intention 364-385
VIIIThe Li Khi or Rites in the formation of character 394-404
IXThe Kiao theh sang or the single victim at the border sacrifices416-437
XThe Nei beh or the patterns of the family449-464
Contents to the Fourth Volume

XIYu bao or the jade bead pendants of the royal cap 1-17
XIIMing Thang Wei or the places in the hall of distinction 29
XIIISang fu Hsiao Ki or record of smaller matters in the dress of mourning 40-48
XIVTa Kwan or the great Treatise 60
XVShao I or smaller rules of Demeanour40-68
XVIHsio ki or record on the subject of education 82
XVIIYo ki or record of music92-114
XVIIIBa Ki or miscellaneous records 132-161
XIXSang Ta Ki or the greater record of mourning rites 173-185
XXKi Fa or the law of sacrifices 201
XXIKi or the meaning of sacrifices 210-220
XXIIKi thung or a summary account of sacrifices 236
XXIIIKing Kiegh or the different teaching of the different kings255
XXIVAi Kung wan of questions duke ai261
XXVKung ni yen ku or kung ni at home at ease 270
XXVIKhung ze hsien ku or Confucius at home at lesiure 278
XXVIIFang Ki or record of the dykes284
XXVIIIKung yung or the state of equilibrium and harmony 300-312
XXIXPiao ki or the record on example330
XXXSze I or the black robes 352
XXXIPan Sang or rules on hurrying to mourning rites 365
XXXIIWang Sang of questions about mourning rites 375
XXXIIIFu was or subjects fro questioning about the mourning dress 380
XXXIVKien Kwan or treatise on sursdhary points in mourning usages 385
XXXVSan Nien Wan or questions about the mourning for three years 391
XXXVIShan I or the long dress in one piece395
XXXVIIThau hu or the game of pitch pot 397
XXXVIIIZu hsing or the conduct of the scholar 402
XXXIXTa Hsiao or the great learning 411
XLKwan I or the meaning of the ceremony of capping 423
XLIHwan I or the meaning of the marriage ceremony 428
XLIIHsiang yin ku I or the meaning of the drinking festivity in the districts 435
XLIIIShe I or the meaning of the ceremony of archery446
XLIVYen I or the meaning of the banquet454
XLVPhing I or the meaning of the interchange of missions between different courts 458
XLVISang fu sze ku or the four principles under living the dress of mourning 465
Index 471-485
Contents to the Fifth Volume

Preface xi
ITwas Taoism Older than Lao-3ze1
Three Religions in China Peculiarity of the Tao The King
IIThe Texts of the Tao The King and Kwang-3ze shu as regards their authenticity and genuineness and the arrangement of them4
The Tao The King. The evidence of Sze-ma khen the historian of lieh 3ze han fei-3ze and other Taoist writers and of pan Ku. The catalogue of the imperial library of han and that of the sui dynasty. The commentaries of he old man of the ho-side and of wang pi. Division into parts and chapters and number of characters in the text. The writings of kwang 3ze. Importance to Taoism of those writings. The division of the books into three parts. Their general title and its meaning.
IIIWhat is the Meaning of the name Tao? And the chief points of belief in Taoism12
Meaning of the name. Usage of the term Thien. Peculiar usage of it by Kwang 3ze. Mr. Giles’s view that the name god is the equivalent of thien. Relation of the tao to the name Ti. No idea of creation proper in Taoism. Man in composed of body and spirit. That the cultivation of the tao promotes by contraries. The paradisiacal state. The decay of Taoism before the growth of knowledge the moral and practical teachings of Lao-3ze humility his three jewels that good is to be returned for evil.
IVAccounts of Lao 3ze and Kwang-3ze given by Sze-Ma khein33
VOn the Tractate of actions and their retributions 38
Peculiar Style and nature of the treatise its date meaning of the title was the old Taoism a Religion the kang family influence of Buddhism on Taoism
The Tao The King
Part I (Chapters to xxxvii)45-79
Part II (Chapters xxxvii to lxxxi)80-124
The writings of Kwang-3ze
Brief Notices of the different Books127-374
Contents to the Sixth Volume
Part II The Writings of Kwang -3ze books XVIII-XXXIII
The Thai Shang tractate of actions and their retributions Appendixes I-VIII

The Writings of Kwang-3zee
Part II
XVIIIKih lo, or perfect enjoyment 1
XIXTa Shang or the full understanding of life 11
XXShan Mu or the tree on the mountain 27
XXIThien – 3ze fang42
XXIIKih pei yu or knowledge rambling in the north 57
Part III
XXIIIKang sang khu74
XXIVHsu wu kwei 91
XXVIWai wu or what comes from without131
XXVIIYu Yen or metaphorical language 142
XXVIIIZang wang or kings who have wished to resign the throne149
XXIXTao Kih or the robber Kih166
XXXYueh Kien or delight in the sword fight186
XXXIYu-fu or the old fisherman192
XXXIILieh yu Khau202
XXXIIIThein hsia or historical phases of Taoist teaching214
The Thai Shang tractate of actions and their Retributions
Translation of the tractate 235

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