Intense warfare against India's integrity is the work of a well-orchestrated global machinery driven by a new ideology.
Marxism has been reincarnated as Critical Race Theory in US academia and serves as the framework to address America's racism. This has been recklessly mapped on to India: Caste is equated with Race Marginalized communities of India are considered as the Blacks and Brahmins as the Whites of India. Groups claiming grievances (like Muslims and LGBTQ+) are artificially clubbed together.
• Popularly called the Woke movement, the mission is to dismantle Indian civilization and heritage by waging an uncompromising war against India's government. educational institutions, culture, industry, and society.
Harvard University is Ground Zero of these social theories developed in collaboration with Indian scholars, activists, journalists and artists. This represents a clear and present danger to India's sovereignty and national security.
· Several Indian elites are hoisting Harvard as the vishwa guru with their money and family names. Some private universities within India are importing Wokeism that has serious repercussions for India's stability.
• Indian corporates are bringing the latest Western rubric of Environmental, Social, and Governance ratings into their workplace. This is aligned with the global Social Justice movement. China has exploited this latest infrastructure as a passage to India.
• Wokeism has penetrated some of the Indian government's policies. For instance, the National Education Policy 2020 is propagating Harvard's liberal arts.
• An entire ecosystem of ideologies, institutions and young leaders is emerging for India's recolonization.
Rajiv Malhotra is a researcher and public intellectual on civilizational studies, world religions, and cross-cultural encounters. He was trained as a physicist, and then as a computer scientist specializing in Artificial Intelligence in the 1970s. After a successful corporate career in the USA, he became an entrepreneur and founded and ran several IT companies across twenty countries. Since the early 1990s, as the founder of his non-profit Infinity Foundation (Princeton, USA), he has been researching civilizations from a historical, social sciences and mind sciences perspective. He has authored several bestselling books that have impacted many leading intellectuals worldwide. Rajiv also serves as chairman of the board of governors of the Center for Indic Studies at the University of Massachusetts, Dartmouth, and is on the advisory board of the Indian Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla.
Vijaya Viswanathan is a mechanical engineer by training and holds an MBA from the Wharton Business School. After a successful corporate career in manufacturing and finance based in the USA, Singapore, and Europe, she turned her focus to education. As she embarked on a homeschooling journey with her children, she gained deep insights into the relevance of Indic knowledge systems in modern education. Vijaya is active in initiatives that focus on curricula, pedagogy, and mentoring. As a student under Swami Dayananda Saraswati of Arsha Vidya Gurukulam, Vijaya studied Vedanta as well as dharmic and civilizational thought. Vijaya also serves on the board of Infinity Foundation.
India is reeling under pressure from persistent attacks on its ancient culture and civilization. These attacks are well coordinated, funded, and orchestrated from international locations and use Indians to exploit fault lines in India, which being a democracy and an open society, are quite visible. The caste system, for example, is painted dark; however, because of all the propaganda denouncing it, very little is being explained about the structure of Indian society.
One solid attempt to present how the ancient caste system was distorted into a flawed system and is now being exploited by an international nexus was made a dozen years ago. That was a pioneering work and a bestselling book, Breaking India: Western Interventions in Dravidian and Dalit Fault Lines. It created a thought revolution, because for the first time, there was a high level of clarity. The term 'Breaking India forces' along with an entire framework and vocabulary became part of this revolution. It explained, with evidence, the elaborate system working within and outside India to brainwash, manipulate, and evangelize the rural poor with the end goal of destroying the civilizational fabric. The social movement resulting in the aftermath of the work brought many hitherto unknown concepts into popular lexicon. It spurred a whole generation of social media icons in India, with their own spheres of influence in political and cultural discourse. This gave birth to innumerable legal, political, and social changes in the country at various levels.
But while there is growing recognition of what the earlier Breaking India forces are up to, there has been a qualitative change and expansion of threats from new Breaking India forces. As lead author of Breaking India, Rajiv Malhotra, along with his new co-author, Vijaya Viswanathan, analyze this situation in Snakes in the Ganga.
India, once again, is at the threshold of importing a large-scale sociological doctrine along with its varied practices, activism, trained manpower, and institutional apparatus. Like many other foreign imports of social sciences in the past, this movement is on collision course with Indian society and politics. Yet, there has been very little attempt to study this latest force on India's own terms. On the contrary, the elites in government and industry are complicit in this infiltration. This statement should not be taken in any accusatory sense, and rather seen as a presentation of publicly available information as a red flag, calling for further discussion into the matter.
Before explaining further, we must first remind ourselves of the prior waves of socio-political disruptions caused by theories and doctrines that were imported into India. The discredited Aryan/Dravidian divide that haunts south India was an entirely European theory brought to India where it took several generations to become rooted. Only after that did we realize how deep its roots were established inside India's educational, social, media, and political fabric. It is now one of the most resilient paradigms accepted by the political spectrum in south India. Despite the evidence suggesting that the historical facts are more complex and nuanced, it has become domesticated, and the burden of proof is on those who disagree with it."
The Indian sociological notions of varna and jati were very old, complex, and fluid. In different periods of history and across different regions, social structures differed considerably. But the foreign term casta that was brought to India by the Portuguese, led to the development of 'caste' as a European lens to view Indian society. This was later adopted as the official framework by the British Census of India to map their to make laws-that allow radical departures from historical norms, for instance, allowing 'gender affirmation' surgery for minors (sex changes, including removal of young girls' breasts and young boys' penises), often without parental consent.
However, there is something even more disturbing at play with this moral takeover: We are losing the ability and freedom to voice dissent. Our cognitive liberty-the ability to think according to our conscience- has rapidly eroded. We can no longer speak freely and are held hostage by the need to conform to the dictates of the dominant orthodoxy.
Bestselling books like Helen Pluckrose and James Lindsay's Cynical Theories: How Activist Scholarship Made Everything About Race, Gender, and Identity- and Why This Harms Everybody and Douglas Murray's The Madness of Crowds: Gender, Race, and Identity, have deftly explained the genesis of these phenomena and their ongoing consequences. Snakes in the Ganga builds upon these works and explains how this occurred not only in the West but also in India. The book is a clarion call to place truth at the center of our institutions and restore our ability to think freely and speak openly, honestly, and fearlessly.
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Hindu (882)
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