From the Jacket
Tarjuma-i-Manakutuhala and Risala-i-Ragadarpana is a combined treatise by Nawab Saif Khan, better known as Faqirullah; the first is translation (tarjuima) and the other an original treatise, on the subject of the practiced music of the time.
In 1071 A.H. (1661 A.D.) the author relinquished his job under Aurangzeb and went back to Sirhind, his own province. In these self-imposed retirement days, he took upon himself to draft the first copy of his risala. The work of translating the aforementioned Pothi, he undertook two years later in the year 1073 A.H. (1663 A.D.) And, as he himself states, “…a document such as this is worth all reliance, this Faqir set himself upon doing its tarjuma (translation); supplementing the same with other essentials. The idea has been to enable the seekers of knowledge to become less. Dependant upon Bharat-Sangita, Sangitadarpana and Sangita-ratnakara……”
As the seal on the manuscript folio declares, Faqirullah was both malik and musannif (owner and the author) of this nuskha (hand-written script). It is evident, Faqirullah finally completed both his translation and composition (tasnif) in the same continuation in the year 1076 A.H. (1666 A.D.).
His treatise is in ten babs (chapters) –the Ist bas is on identifying ragas; IIIrd on assignment of season and appropriate hour of day and night to every raga; IVth on the perception of surs (svaras); Vth on the correct identification of various saz (vadya, instruments); VIth on explaining the de-merits of go’indah (a poet composer cum performing musician); VIIth on the delineation of awaz (various throat qualities), their categorization and consideration of the hanjarah (larynx); Bab VIIIth on knowing about the qualities of the Ustad-i-Kamil (master of art); IXth on understanding of brindah (urnda, orchestra) and about the advantages of performing in orchestration; Xth as regards the go’indahs (poet-musicians) who have lived during the time.
The Khatimah (conclusion), occurring towards the close of the book conveys the author’s brief note on the Kashmiri music of the time.
Late Prof. Shahab Sarmadee had graduated from the University of Allahabad, in the year 1934. His education in music got initiated at the Prayag Sangita Samiti, under Pt. Kusalkar and Pt. Patwardhan. Further chiselling was done under the guidance of Niloo Babu, Ustad Yaqub Khan, Chottey Agha and the Thumri maestro Anath Nath Bose.
Paying homage with equal fervour to guna (quality) and gyana (wisdom), with sustained dedication to the subject, he entitled himself for patronising attention of Late Prof. S. Nurul Hasan, then Head of the Department of History and the Centre of Advanced Studies. Called to the Centre as a Visiting Fellow, Prof. Sarmadee edited and annotated the earliest known work in Persian on Indian Music. This was followed by a ‘Bio-bibliographical Survey’ of all available works on the subject of song, dance and drama in the leading languages viz. Sanskrit, Persian, Arabic, Turkish, Braj and Urdu. The work being stupendous, at the same time advantageous, it has expanded itself to cover two Volumes of about 1,000 pages each bearing the title of Nür-Ratnäkara, Vol.1 and Vol.11 respectively.
General Editor’s Note
Kalãkosa Division - the principal Research and Publication Division of the Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts (IGNCA) concentrates on the theoretical and textual tradition of intellectual discourse in the Indian artistic tradition. A distinctively Indian inter disciplinary system where the textual and the oral, the verbal and the visual, the scientific and the metaphysical, the transcendental and the functional were interlocked as parts of a whole is recognized, but its concepts, structures and processes are often difficult to identify’. IGNCA aims to comprehend the arts, within the context of the Indian world view, notions of space-time and interconnections at the level of theory (Sãstra) and practice (Prayoga).
Kalãmulasãstra series is a programme emerging out of the same perception. It is a series of fundamental texts which are basic to the Indian artistic traditions as also primary texts specific to particular arts. In this series, the critical editions of originals and translations of fundamental texts relating to Indian Arts ranging from architecture, sculpture, painting, theatre, music, dance alongwith their scientific and technical commentaries is undertaken. The basic idea behind is to place the text in as exact a manner as is possible by considering all primary material available in any part of the world.
Among the early fundamental texts on music and dance brought out so far in this series, Mãtrãlaksanam (KMS series no. 1) is the earliest text that embodies and manifests musical structures of the Säma-Veda, and Dattilam (KMS series no. 2) represents an autonomous text on music which enunciates a theory of sound, structure and composition that is quite distinct from the Nãtyasastra tradition. Between the compilation of Nãtyasastra and the writing of the Sañgitaratnãkara many changes took place. The journey of these changes could be traced to the seminal text of Brhaddesi Vols. I and II (KMS series nos. 8 & 10). It is an important source for the systematic study of the development of melodic structures. IGNCA has already brought out Brhaddesi with English translation in two volumes and the Vol. III containing the critique of the text is in preparation. Nartananirniaya (KMS series nos. 17,18 & 19)— another text in the series represents a major historical milestone for the theory and practice of music and dance during the 16th century A..D. It reflects several significant changes and transformations that were taking place in India in the practice of these arts.
The tradition of the writing of text (Sãstra) on different aspects of Indian arts has a long and sustained history. Each of these texts manifest the twin phenomenon of continuity as also change. If there was a perennial under-current there were also many interesting transformations. A large number of such texts have come to light from various regions. From a careful perusal of these texts one could clearly notice two parallel life-lines being sustained i.e. one pan-Indian or universal and the other regional. The first is the flow of continuity maintaining direct relationship between the formulation contained in the earliest texts arid those that have been written and compiled as late as in the 17th and 18th centuries A.D. The other is the attempt to identify distinctive features of a regional style or school. Srihastamuktãva1i (KMS series no.3) is one of the medieval texts belonging to the eastern tradition throwing significant light on the regional traditions of the language of hand gestures. Another text of the same category — Sangitopanisatsarodhara (14th cen. A.D.) belongs to the western tradition. This will be published soon.
The Tarjuma-i-Manakutuhala and Risala-i-Ragadarpana compiled during the 17th century A.D. is a combined text on music. The fact of its being a combined text has gone unnoticed till recently. This is the first Persian text brought out in Kalãmã1asãstra under the series no 21. This work is important from various points of view. It is through the first part of this text i.e. upto chapter second that an important compilation on the identification of ràgas accompalished under the supervision of Raja Mansingh Tomar of Gwalior, entitled Manakutühala is preserved for posterity in Persian translation, which is so far considered lost in original. The appended treatise incorporates further details on the development of contemporary music. It is undoubtedly one of the few important texts which sheds significant light on the music of the Mughal period. A unique feature of this work is that it covers the period during which the internal and the external forces worked together resulting in a new synthesis. In this configuration music played a significant role to integrate diverse views. A fresh perception is an evidence. The compendium depicts the expositions of the art as practiced in the whole of India alike. During the same period the foreign tunes of Central Asian, Turko-Iranian and Perso-Arab origin as also the folk tunes were incorporated in the Indian system of standard melodies. Almost all these melodies which survive until today find mention in this work. On the basis of this work one can also trace the history of the development of the outstanding forms viz. Dhrupada and Khayal from their inception to their fully developed stylised forms. It is also obvious that these styles enjoyed popularity over a large cross section of society. This work also confirms that there was no distinction between the music of the north and south till 17th century A.D.
Short descriptions of outstanding forms, leading musicians and major instruments of the time provide a clue of certain important developments that were taking place. For instance we come to know of Fãrsi among Desi song-forms; tarãnah and tillalãnah originating from Iran and Arab become Indianized; Fãrsi Ghazals which initially concentrated on religious gatherings of the sufis (samã’) adopt Indian themes. The text also throws interesting light on development of various stages of the Ghazal. Thus the Ghazal and Dhyãna-mãla have a direct co-relation. In the same way it is known that many instruments became part of Indian system. Among these, note-worthy are Tamburah and Rabab. Tansen has been described as one of the exponents of Rabab-playing. From the biographical sketches of outstanding musicians both vocalists and instrumentalists it is known that they represented both Hindus and Muslims, belonging to all walks of life and performing as professionals and amateurs.
The presence of traditional concepts mainly based on earlier aesthetic theories is also evident. It is well known that Matañga in his Brhaddesi describes the origin of raga from the concept of rasa. At that time the rãga had two levels known as Marga and Desi. With the passage of time the ragas were classified into various categories viz. Janya-Janaka or major-minor (15th cen. A.D.); main and subordinate rãgas; rága-ragini (16th cen. A.D.). By the time of Rägadarpana (17th cen. A.D.) the classification of ragas was also based on the nãyaka ,náyikã and sakhi. The classification on the basis of male-female also began to be co-related with the metaphysical terms i.e. purusa-sakti or even the tantric cult of Siva and Sakti. Also the number of major rãgas mainly fixed at six and some considering them to be twelve, was co-related with the theory of time. Six ràgas representing the six seasons of a year and the number twelve representing the twelve zodiac signs or twelve months of a year. A vast system of correspondence of rãgas with time, astronomical annual calendar, seasons, genders, hero-heroine types, moods and colours was evolved. This was a gradual but sure development of seeds contained in the aesthetic theory first enunciated by Bharata in the Natyasastra.
The correspondence of ragas is apparent also in the Räga-Dhyana -descriptive of the images of ragas and Rãga-mãlas — the pictorial versions of rãgas which received significant emphasis during the Mughal period. Through further developments, the rãga became known as Khayal. The term Khayal in Persian is also identified with the Ultimate Truth. In fact the references to religious gatherings of Sufis (Persian samã’); Amir Khusrau’s devotion to music; promotion of music by sufi saints; besides music being patronized by almost all the Mughal kings and contribution towards the promotion of music by other people of the community; point towards the fact that music has been universally recognised as being linked with the Supreme and as one of the vehicles for the realization of the Ultimate Truth.
One more feature of this work worthy of note is that this is one of the rare works in which Aurangzeb is stated to have evinced personal interest in some musicians. Also, there were many known personalities in his court who were devoted to music and they also helped many musicians to carry on their researches in music as knowledge (’ilm) and as occupation (shaghl). The author of the Ragadarpana was one amongst them.
The Foreword appended by late Prof. Nurul Hasan has greatly enhanced the value and importance of this volume. Prof. Nurul Hasan was highly interested in the study of the interaction of the varied streams of Indian arts. In his Foreword he has lucidly sketched the history of Indian music during the medieval period by making references to various important contemporary works on music and other works which throw significant light on the development of the music of that period. He has also referred to some research that has been initiated during recent times in the direction of bringing to light certain important developments that were taking place in this art form.
Late Prof. Shahab Sarmadee had completed the editing and translation of this volume. He had devoted his life-time in the study of the History of Indian Music. His exhaustive introduction and the minute analysis of the important points made by the author throws significant light on the development of the music of that period. He has based this text on the author’s own copy, most probably written in his own hand and also the same copy has the important marginal notes added by the author at a later stage. The Editor has also given a list of various manuscripts of this text which are available in the libraries in India and abroad. Through the editing of this volume Prof. Sarmadee opened a new field for pursuing further research on various aspects of Medieval Indian Music. This work will bean invaluable source of new material for the study of Medieval Indian Music.
Prof. Sarmadee had looked forward to see this volume and we would have been honoured by presenting it to him, but that could not mature during his life-time. I express my sincerest gratitude to him for his valuable contribution.
Dr. G.B. Pandey, the former Editor of IGNCA had initially started the process of bringing out this important publication which involved the calligraphy of Persian text and its Nãgari transcription, composing of the same alongwith English translation. I thank him for his contribution and valuable suggestions. I also thank Prof. S. H. Qasemi of Delhi University, Dr. Z.A. Desai and also Shri Nasim Akhtar of National Museum for their valuable suggestions and help. I sincerely acknowledge the help extended by Shri Beyaz Hashimi of IGNCA for this publication. Dr. (Smt.) Advaitavadini Kaul has painstakingly processed this text at all stages of the printing. I thank her and other colleagues— Smt. Anupama and Shri S.S. Dogra for their devotion and hardwork.
To appreciate fully the history of any country, the importance of the history of music is of course obvious; but for medieval India it has a special place. Through music one can see the process of cultural synthesis that characterised the history of our country during the medieval period. Mercifully, a large number of books written on music during the period have survived and these original works, with their wide coverage, enable us to understand the movement that was taking place in this art form. It was with this aim that the study and publication of these books was made the basis of presentation of the history of medieval Indian music. The earliest known Persian writing on the subject — Ghunyat’-ul Munyah—was first introduced to the world of history through a paper read at the Delhi Session (1961 A.D.) of the Indian History Congress, by late Begum Khursheed N. Hasan. On her passing away, Dr. Shahab Sarmadee prepared a carefully edited and well annotated text for publication alongwith English translation complete with copious foot-notes and a selfcontained Introduction.
Next in the order of writing and also in significance, is the Persian compendium Lahját-i -Sikandar-Shähi , written at the behest of Miyan Bhauwa, a leading Amir of Bahlol and Sikandar Lodi (1489-1517 A.D.). It is a rendering and interpretation of the renowned and authoritative Sanskrit work — Sañgitaratnákara. It also provides an authentic ‘record of some of the most far-reaching contemporary trends in music, which makes it unique. I am glad that this voluminous work has also been studied and examined at length.
About the same time was written the most important work entitled Manakutuhala by Raja Man Tomar of Gwalior. It may be only a co-incidence but it is nevertheless significant that Raja Man Tomar, Sikander Lodi, Sultan Hussain Sharqi of Jaunpur and Sultan Husain Shah of Bengal who were all contemporaries were equally great patrons of music and their reigns were characterised by significant innovations in music and the emergence of new and significant trends in its development. This very period also marks the emergence of great mystic saints whose popular preachings provided special stimulus to music. Among these saints could be mentioned Nãnaka, Kabir, Vallabhacarya, Caitanya, Suradasa, Jayasi and many others.
For almost a century and a half no major work on music was produced in the Mughal Empire even though Akbar, Jahangir and Shãhjahãn were all great patrons of music and musicians. A ‘in-i -Akbari does contain an interesting section entitled A ‘in-i -Khunyàgarãn, but it is much too brief as compared to the other works. In the Deccan, the interesting work: Nauras was written by Ibrahim Adil Shah with an exquisite preface by the well-known poet Zuhüri. However, it is difficult to answer the question as to why no significant work on Indian music was written in the court of the great Mughals even though there is no doubt about the patronage and encouragement which music received. The collection of Dhrupadas of Tãnsen (whose authenticity is open to doubt) and those of Nayaka Bakhshü in the closing years of Shãhjahãn’s reign do bear testimony to the flourishing state of music at the court but even these cannot be regarded as full-fledged works on music or musicology.
As the present knowledge stands, however, the largest number of writings on the subject — both in Persian and Sanskrit, in the North as well as in the South — happen to belong to the times of Aurangzeb. Among these may be mentioned Ahobala’s Parijata (1666 A.D.), almost simultaneously though elaborately interpreted in Persian by Mirza Raushan Zamir, Aurangzeb’s Bakhshi Faqirullah’s Tarjuma-i-Manakutuhala and his own Ragadarpana; Mirza Khan’s Tuhfat’ul Hind and Raghunatha Nãyaka and his son Venkatamakhi’ s Sanskrit works.
Aurangzeb regrets that he had to give up listening to music because the ulama told him that while there was no objection to his listening to singing, hearing Pakhãwaj was definitely an infringement of the Shari’at law. Aurangzeb on the other hand, could not bear to hear a song without Pakhãwaj and he therefore gave up listening to music altogether. There is however, no evidence that in the houses of the nobility and elsewhere there was any decline in musical activity or parties; and that is the principal explanation of such a large number of works on music being written during the reign of Aurangzeb in Sanskrit as well as in Persian.
The attitude of Indian Muslims towards music has to be seen in its proper context. While the bulk of the ulamã regarded music as impermissible, especially rhythm accompaniment and the tonal embellishments, the Sufi saints from 13th century itself asserted their right to hold musical religious gatherings (samã’), and the Sultans of Delhi at least connived at, if not gave it their active encourgement. If Barani is to be believed, the court of Jalalu’d-Din Khilji had become famous for its musicians, singers, dancers and dancing-girls. Amir Khusarau’s devotion to music is of course known to every Indian historian. Ghunyat-’ul Muniya refers to Qawwals and Qawwàlis in a manner as to show that this had become a well developed musical form in the 14th century. Those who were deeply religious Muslims like Sufi saints as well as kings and secular people amongst these communities had become full partners in the promotion of music, musical forms, songs and dance. It would be no exaggeration to say that the 17th and the early 18th centuries saw that transformation in Indian music which makes it recognisable even today.
In spite of the tremendous impetus music received at the courts of kings and nobles, the process of interaction with folk music remained an important feature of this development. When Mãnakutuhala was written, Vaisnava-bhakti led to the emergence of a special song form popularly known as Bishnupada. Dhrupada emerged, more or less, as its secular counterpart. It was formalised and fully developed by Nayaka Bakhshu at the court of Rãjã Man Tomar of Gwalior. Tãnsen further developed this form. But the Mughal Emperor recognised the primacy of Bakhshu and hence Shahjahãn ordered that thousand Dhrupadas composed by Bashü should be compiled in a book form. The Mughal compiler however added Shãhjahan’s name to the Dhrupadas of Bakhshu, originally composed almost a century earlier.
As reported by Faqirullah, the song-language of this region has been the Desavãli dialect known as Desi-bhàkhä. Based on ancient Sauraseni, and enriched by the rasa of the Rãdhã-Krsna theme, further vitalised by the recently formalised folk-forms of pada singing, it attained a high literary position. The Mughal litterateurs of the time, class it as afsah (highest in elegance). Its future course is reportedly linked with emergence of Khayãl. It has been said (by Faqirullah for the first time, perhaps) that the assemblage of artists at Agra, of the days of Akbar and Jahangir, comprised, besides vilãyatis (foreigners), the largest number of Gwãliaris; and that when Shãhjahãn shifted to Delhi the elaborately developed dialect called Gwàliãris met with an equally well-developed Dehlavi, with Persian as their common interest. In the same process, the secular Dhrupada of the Kalãwants came into closest contact with semi-religious song-forms of sama’ music. And as Dhrupada had received its biggest impetus from Tãnsen and Akbar, so had the Qawwãli; Ghazal and Loka-gita singing advanced itself, through ages of sustained patronage at the hands of the Sufi saints and the masses of Delhi and roundabouts. As a natural result of this intermingling, and, believably, in response to the cultural demand of the time, an alternative to Dhrupada had soon to put itself up for recognition. This form, excelled in its own Indo Persian tono-melodic mannerisms and lyrical contents has been the same which the art of classical Qawwàli excels up to this day. It did also thrive on its well synthesised language, by then in general acceptance as Hindustán, with its themes and thought-patterns to suit. A virtuoso of the age writing contemporaneously informs that it has been on account of these thought-patterns (Hindawi Khayal) that the form itself earned the designation of Khayal. But Ibn Arabi’s Khayal as the Ultimate Reality is also to be kept in view in this connection.
I am glad that interesting light on these problems has been thrown by the researches of Dr. Shahab Sarmadee. Further efforts, it is hoped, will be made to uncover fresh evidence and more details. And when that happens, it would become possible to assess how much the classicism of music in modern India owes to the integrating processes of the Dhrupada and Khayal during the medieval times.
Through this volume, the twin treatises Manakutuhala and Ragadarpana are being presented. As luck would have it, Faqirullah’s own copy, presumably written in his own hand-writing, could be traced. On the basis of it, a well-collated and authentic text is being brought out. The editor has earned and gratitude of the readers by appending to it a learned introduction in which he has fully examined and ably analysed the ideas of Faqirullah.
Faqirullah is a popular writer so far as historians of Indian music are concerned but unfortunately his book has not so far been carefully utilized. Therefore many misconceptions about the development of music have been allowed to be perpetuated; they have even become a part of mythology. This work presents the thought of Faqirullah in an authoritative manner and through his presents a book of Raja Man Tomar and Bakhshu Nayaka which is also an important source for the study of the development of music during the Mughal period.
Dr. Shahab Sarmadee has taken up the gigantic task of presenting the History of Indian Music during the medieval period. It requires not only a sound knowledge of history with adequate linguistic equipment of Persian and Sanskrit, but also a deep understanding of Indian, Persian and Arabic music.
In board outline , the scheme of this work, as its author himself states has been to translate into peresian the pothi – Manakutuhala, an old treatise discovered by him in 1073 hirja (1663 A. D.). But since he found it-he author says – he added to it the necessities of sangata. These he had elaborated upon in the Chapter I, made to serve as the preface (disachah) of his book (kitab). The necessities (essential), according to him have been
“ to know about the weather and the time of the day and night when each raga and ragni is to be performed; to bring out the best in it (Chapter III); to have a knowledge of the surs (svaras) and of the compositions constituted of them (Chapter IV) ; to know about the musical instruments (saz) and also about nayaka, nayika and sakhi (Chapter V); to have and insight into the de-merits of a poet- composer-vocalist (Go’indaah) (Chapter VI) to develop a discerning ear in respectful of melodic tones (awazha) and to be able to assess the correct functioning of the vocal chords (hanjarah) (chapter VII); to be able to Know an Ustad-i-Kamil (i.e. Bayikara and others) (chapter VIII); to Know what orchestration (birind/vrnda) is and to be capable of appreciating is efficacy (Chapter IX); and, lastly , the necessity of being in a position to identity various leading vocalists and instrument –players (go ‘ indahs nad sazindahs) who have been and still are during our (author’s) time. (pp. 49).
From the it may be deduced that only one chapter (Chapter II), dealing with ragas – the six principal ones , their raginis, five to each , and their putras, eight to each of the series sufficed to contain the tarjuma.
Taking into account the facts, it is reasonable to surmise that the pothi Manakutuhala could not have been a larger work than It appears to be ; and that its main and most important theme ought to have been classification of ragas and delineation of their ganera, as the presents translation also indicates. The rest of the work rendered into Persian, comprising the main bulk of it , should , therefore, be believed to have been an independent effort altogether to have been an independent effort altogether; and that its two parts- the one Tarjuma-i-Manakutuhala, and the other Ragadarpana itself –are in effect two separate treatises.. That is why the writer concerned calls – are in effect two separate treatises. that is why their the writer concerned calls the one a tarjuma and the other a risala. It is strange that even ‘Allama Shibli , Who had with him a Complete and authentic copy of this work, did allow the mistake , already committed by sir William by sir William Jones , Ousley and Garcen de Tracy and several others, to get perpetuated and the entire work passed on as a translation.
Strange still is that happened in the face of the author’s own statements on the points; for unequivocally he writes.
“It should be clear to the eliminated mind that I have simply
Translated from Manakautuhala, Ragasagara and Ragaprakasa.
Apart from it, whatever has been added by me on the basis of
My research, it is open for correction.”
These remarks occur at the close of chapter II, leading us straight to Chapter Ii, and thereby the realm of Risala-i-Ragadarpana, designed to deal with every detail of the prevalent art, which the author claims to have been a result of his own research (dariyaft). And in this again he stands verified because even if the main points made my him are just summarily gone through , it will be found that he could feel the art-pulse of his time and could, therefore, register all that has been alive.
In making raga, and its melodic potentialities, the body and soul of his work, the author has only tried to give it a representative, the body and soul of his work the author has only tried to give it a representative character of its own. And the very fact that he chose to translate Manahutuhala and two other treatise – all dealing with ragas alone coupled with the fact that he was all along in search of any raga – point straight in the same way.
Raga represented the urge o mughal days. This is borne out by the music becoming one of the coveted subjects of painting as well of literature in the shape of Ragamala and dhyana sahitya , respectively . Moreover, (and that is exclusively significant for any study of it ) that the new experiments, almost necessitated by the neo – Iranian influences running like fresh blood into the life – stream, ever since Humayun’s triumphant return from Iran, soon succeeded in making raga and maqam start merging with each other or at least sharing the mode and mannerism of one another, as never before.
The impact, and its extent , was so much out of the ordinary that it brought about a rare occasion, of an illustrious Sanskrit writer, Pumdarika vitthala, reporting contemporaneously:
“Besides these (the indigenous), are the perisian ragas, called parad. All of these are sampurana full of gamakas , and sharpened kakali notes, invariably employed.”
The Parads , above –reffered- to have been most usefully equated with ragas e.g. “Rahavi with Devagandhara ; Nishapur with kanhara ; Mahur with saranga; zangulah (Vulgo Jangala) with vangala; Ahanga with Desi; Ghara withb Malhara; shahnaz with kedara; Iraq with dhansari; Husaini with Jaijavanti; Busalik with Malava ; Yamana with Kalyana; sarpradh with Vilavala; Bakharz with Desakara; Hijaz (corrupted inot Hijjejaka) with Asavari; and Ushshaq with Devagiri.” (Ragamanjari, Sls. 2-14).
Pundika an eminent scholar of the age , came over to akbar’s court after the fall of Asiragarh (1599 A.D.). He wrote for Raja Mansingh Kanchawa, believably in fatehpur sikri itself. His reporting is to be regarded as first hand for this reason, much more than that he has been the first Sanskrit writer to relate the persian melodies with the Indian. Moreover, he did not fail to take expert notice , as denoted by the above quoted verse, of the sampurnatva and kakalitva of the former , together with a major point of techno-history that they abounded in gamakas – by that time gamaka assuming the sense and purport of tana, as per its presents connotation. And since tana has always acted as the main line demarcating Dhrupada from Khayal – here , it may be said, is to be found a yet another clue as to the development of Kahyal in medieval times.
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